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Sunday, June 26, 2011


In PART I of this story I had written about how Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was a true and fearless nationalist. He died under mysterious circumstances on 23 May 1953 while under illegal detention without a trial in a private home in Srinagar, in Kashmir. It is a known fact that Maulana Nehru had unconcealed contempt for the Hindus of India in general and the Hindus of Bengal in particular. On the other hand his infatuation for the Muslims of both India and Pakistan was total and indivisible. Further, he had a special regard and consideration founded on unrequited love for Sheik Abdullah for a lifetime. At the same time he had nothing but Islamic hatred and evangelical contempt for Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee.

The Liaquat–Nehru Pact was signed by Pakistan's Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan and Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in New Delhi on April 8, 1950. The pact was the outcome of six days of talks between the two Prime Ministers in Delhi. It sought to guarantee the rights of minorities in both countries after the Partition of India and avert another war between them.

Dr. Mukherjee completely disagreed with Maulana Jawaharlal Nehru on the issue of the 1950 Nehru Pact with Pakistani Prime Minister Liaqat Ali Khan, Dr. Mukherjee was firmly against Nehru's invitation to the Pakistani PM, and their joint pact to establish minority commissions and guarantee minority rights in both countries. He wanted to hold Pakistan directly responsible for the terrible influx of millions of Hindu refugees from East Pakistan, who had left the state fearing religious suppression and violence aided by the Sate. Dr. Mukherjee condemned Nehru's action as a disastrous policy of Muslim appeasement. He was hailed as a great hero by the people of West Bengal.

On 6th April 1950, Dr S P Mukherjee, who was Minister for Industry and Supply, resigned from the Jawaharlal Nehru Ministry as a mark of angry protest against the Indian government's appeasement policy towards Pakistan. In a Cabinet meeting held in the afternoon of that day, Dr S P Mukherjee told Nehru: 'When Muslims in Kashmir were attacked you sent the Indian Armed Forces and spent crores of rupees. What do you care for us Bengali Hindus? What do you care for the criminal assaults on our women?'

This is quoted in a book called 'Soundings in Modern South Asian History' edited by D A Low, published by Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London in 1968. In the same book it has also been reported that Pundit Nehru stood up and began to advance menacingly towards Dr S P Mukherjee. For a moment it looked as if the Cabinet meeting would become a battle field. The other Ministers present tried to pacify Dr S P Mukherjee and Pundit Nehru. When things came to such a pass, Sardar Patel the meeting should be adjourned'. cleverly left the meeting. He was soon followed by other Ministers. Nehru reacted with relief in the following manner: 'Half the Cabinet has gone away. I think.

Nehru in 1950 because he came to the firm conclusion that the Government of Maulana Nehru was working Round-the-clock only for the welfare and development Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee resigned from the non-Government of Maulana of Terrorist Muslims of both Pakistan (East and West) and India. Maulana Nehru’s Government was not concerned at all with the Majority Hindus of India. Maulana Nehru had unconcealed contempt and hatred towards all the Hindus of India in general and the Bengali Hindus of undivided Bengal in particular. Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee earnestly felt that the attitude of Maulana Congress Party towards the Hindus of Independent India was in no way different from the attitude of the Muslim League of Mohammed Ali Jinnah towards the Hindus in West and East Pakistan. So in short Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was shattered and traumatised by the stark fact that the Hindus of India were politically orphaned and put in a rudderless ship on an uncharted sea.
It was in such a mood of righteous indignation arising from the betrayal of the Hindus of India, that Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee felt the imperative national need for creating a new Political Party rooted in the timeless traditions of Sanatana Dharma to protect all the people of India in general and the Hindus of India in particular who had been reduced to the position of political orphans by the essentially pro-Islamic, pro-Christian and virulently anti-Hindu Government of Maulana Nehru. That is how the new Political Party called the Jan Sangh was created by Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee on 21st October, 1951.

Prof. Bal Raj Madhok
Founder General Secretary of Jana Sangh

The inspiring political story of how the Jana Sangh Party was born in New Delhi on 21st October 1951 has been narrated by Prof.Bal Raj Madhok in the October 2008 issue of the Journal Jana Sangh Today. We can see that Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was elected as the Founder President of the Jana Sangh Party and Prof. Bal Raj Madhok as the First General Secretary.


-Prof Bal Raj Madhok
When the British left India for good after dividing it between Muslim India named Pakistan and Hindu India or Hindustan, they handed over power to Muslim League in Pakistan and Congress in India. Congress, in fact, had got a large number of Hindu votes whom it disowned owing to its claim that the party represented both Hindus and Muslims and not Hindus alone. This was not true. The reality was different. All Hindus who stood for united India, irrespective of their party or panth affiliation, had voted for the Congress, and almost all Muslims had voted for the Muslim League and Pakistan in the crucial election of 1946. This fact was well-known to Gandhi and Sardar Patel. They, therefore, insisted that the non-Congress Hindu leaders such as Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee and Dr. B. R. Ambedkar be included in the government of free India. These leaders worked in close cooperation with Sardar Patel and other Hindu nationalist leaders of the Congress while differing with Nehru on many issues.

The situation became worse after Sardar Patel's illness and the Nehru-Liaqat Pact which left the Hindus of East Bengal to the mercy of Pakisani government. Their persecution and forcible eviction from East Pakistan to India continued. This proved to be the last straw for Dr. Mukherjee. He resigned from Nehru cabinet on 8 April, 1950. His statement on the resignation was given in the Lok Sabha on April 14. It was a historic document in which he forecast that the Nehruvian policies would be disastrous for the nation and might create a situation worse than that before the partition of the motherland. It was widely appreciated by all sections of Hindu society. Citizens of Delhi gave Dr. Mukherjee a reception to facilitate him for his bold and historic step. In his concluding speech Dr. Mukherjee told the audience that the country needed a nationalist and democratic alternative to the Nehruvian Congress. He made an appeal to all sections of Hindu society particularly those connected with Arya Samaj and RSS to extend their support to his proposed party. Soon after the speech, Dr. Mukherjee asked me to write the proposed party's manifesto. I said how could I write it without knowing the people and their ideas who may join it. Dr. Mookeji's reply was significant. He said, "Bal Raj, you have been connected with Arya Samaj since your childhood and know its mind. You have also been associated with RSS since your college days and know its mind. You know my mind too. What more do you want to know? So, go ahead and prepare the manifesto". That was the first concrete step towards the formation of a new party. 

By that time, the new Constitution of India was ready and it was expected that the general election to the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies may be held anytime in 1951.

Meanwhile, the response of Arya Samaj towards the new party was encouraging. However, no response came from the RSS. Knowing its organizational set-up and following among the youth, Dr. Mukherjee was keen to get a positive reply from RSS. When no response was forthcoming, he decided to go ahead with his proposed party without any further delay. He returned to Calcutta and held a meeting of his supporters and announced the formation of a new party called 'Indian Peoples Party'. It got wide publicity in the media. 

The announcement of a new party created a stir in the RSS. Already, its leadership had felt the need of political support at the time of its ban by the Congress after Gandhi murder. It, therefore, asked me to convey to Dr. Mukherjee RSS' willingness to extend support to Indian Peoples Party. Its leadership also suggested its preference for a Kesari flag and a Hindi name for the new party. The names suggested by it were Bhartiya Lok Sangh and Bharitya Jan Sangh. Dr. Mukherjee preferred Jan Sangh over Lok Sangh as Lok implies crowd while Jan means people and a closer association with motherland. This marked the beginning of the foundation of Bhartiya Jan Sangh as a national party. 

Jan Sangh's foundation convention was convened under my convenorship at New Delhi on 21st October, 1951. Here Dr. Mukherjee was chosen its National President and I was appointed its National Secretary. Pt. Mauli Chandra Sharma and Bhai Mahavir were formally nominated as its general secretaries. But Bhai Mahavir never took charge of his office and Pt. Sharma became inactive after his defeat in the Lok Sabha election from Delhi. 

Within two months of Jan Sangh's formation, the election to the Lok Sabha were declared. Realising the importance of Dr. Mukherjee, Prime Minister Nehru consistently targeted Jan Sangh and Dr. Mukherjee in his election speeches. This proved to be a blessing in disguise as it gave Jan Sangh and its President much wider publicity than anticipated. This became clear when the results were out. Jan Sangh not only won three Lok Sabha seats but also gained recognition as a national party by getting three per cent of the total votes polled. Its three elected members to the Lak Sabha were Dr. Mukherjee and Shri Bandhopadhyaya from West. Bengal and Barrister Uma Shankar Trivedi from Chittor. Jan Sangh emerged as the fourth national political party after the Congress, the Communist Party and the Socialist Party. 

The national status of Jan Sangh together with the growing importance of Dr. Mukherjee both within and outside Parliament marked the emergence of Jan Sangh as a truly national and democratic alternative to the Nehruvian Congress. This was the real foundation of Jan Sangh which steadily grew to be the real alternative to the Congress both in letter and spirit.


In the General Elections of 1952, Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was elected as MP. In New Delhi alone, the Jana Sangh Party won 3 seats. In his capacity as president of the Jan Sangh, Dr S P Mukherjee was elected as leader of the National Democratic Group in the Lok Sabha when he entered Parliament after the general elections in 1952. Nehru was known for his violent bursts of temper and cherished the hallucination that any gregarious 'loss' of his temper meant a glorious 'gain' for India! Sharp words were exchanged between Maulana Jawaharlal Nehru and Dr S P Mookerjee on 17 February, 1953 in the Lok Sabha. I am giving below the words exchanged by them during the Parliamentary debate:

           Nehru shouted: 'Disgraceful!'

           Dr S P Mukherjee: 'It was nothing but disgraceful!'

        Nehru said indignantly: 'It was disgraceful to have brought in the course of this debate these wild, irresponsible and fantastic charges. This itself shows the nature of the entire speech and the mentality behind it'.

        Dr S P Mukherjee: 'His temper shows more than anything else his incapacity to rule over this country'.

        Nehru: 'I ask the gentleman on the other side to prove that or withdraw his remarks about wine and women'.

        Dr Mukherjee retorted: 'I never said 'women'. I never used that word. I only said 'money and wine'.

        Nehru: 'I ask the member to prove his irresponsible statement'.
        Dr Mukherjee: 'It is no use losing your temper'.

        Nehru: 'It is the hon'ble member's right'.


Dr S P Mukherjee became a cult figure among all the Hindus of India who had undergone the horrors of partition in 1947-48 in North Western and North Eastern India. His burning patriotism, shining idealism and stark realism had naturally made him a front rank national leader. As he was only in his early 50s at that time, many had hoped that sooner than later he would emerge as the Prime Minister of India. But that was not to be. I cannot help suspecting that he was put to death with the full knowledge and political blessings of Sheik Abdullah and Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, colluding, collaborating, conspiring and acting together to put an end to the heroic and selfless life of Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee.

I am led to this sad conclusion by the letters which Lady Jogmaya Devi Mukherjee, wife of Sir Ashutosh Mukherjee and mother of Dr S P Mukherjee, exchanged with Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru soon after the death of her son in Srinagar in Kashmir while on illegal detention in May 1953. I have obtained copies of these letters from my esteemed friend V Kalyanam, who worked as personal secretary to Mahatma Gandhi for nearly four years from 1944 to 1948. After a detailed discussion with him I have gathered the following facts which will stand any judicial scrutiny.

In her letter dated 4 July, 1953, Lady Jogmaya Devi Mukherjee wrote to Nehru about her son's death as follows: 'His death is shrouded in mystery. Is it not most astounding and shocking that ever since his detention there, the first information that I, his mother, received from the government of Kashmir was that my son was 'no more', and that also at least two hours after the end? And in what a cruel, cryptic way the message was conveyed! '. A fearless son of free India has met his death while 'in detention without trial' under most tragic and mysterious circumstances. I, THE MOTHER OF THE GREAT DEPARTED SOUL, DEMAND THAT AN ABSOLUTELY IMPARTIAL AND OPEN ENQUIRY BY INDEPENDENT AND COMPETENT PERSONS BE HELD WITHOUT ANY DELAY. I know nothing can bring back to us the life that is no more. But I do want is that the people of India must judge for themselves, the real causes of this great tragedy enacted in a free country and the part that was played by your government'.

Maulana Nehru gave a confused and guarded pseudo-secular reply on 5 July 1953: 'l did not venture to write to you before without going into the matter of Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee's detention and death fairly carefully. I have since enquired further into it from a number of persons who had occasion to know 'some facts'. I can only say to you that I arrived at the clear and honest conclusion that there is no mystery in this and that Dr Mookerjee was given every consideration'.

Deeply hurt by the callous and insensitive reply from Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, Lady Jogmaya Devi Mukherjee wrote back the following rejoinder in her letter dated 9 July, 1953: 'Your letter dated 5th July reached me on the 7th. It is a sad commentary on the whole situation. Instead of helping to clear up the mystery, your attitude deepens it. I demanded an open enquiry. I did not ask 'for your clear and honest conclusion'. Your reaction to the whole affair is now well-known. The people of India and I, the mother, have got to be convinced. There is a rooted suspicion in the mind of many. What is required is 'an open, impartial, immediate enquiry'. The various points raised in my letter remain unanswered. I had clearly told you that I had positive evidence to prove certain very relevant and important facts. You do not care to know or look into them. You say that you had enquired from a number of persons who had occasion to know some facts. It is strange that even we, the members of his family, are not regarded as persons who can at least throw some light on the matter and yet you call your conclusion to be honest'.

'Your experience in jails is known to all. It was at one time a matter of great national pride with us. But you had suffered imprisonment under an alien rule and my son has met his death in detention without trial under a national government. It is futile to address you further. You are afraid to face facts. I hold the Kashmir government responsible for the death of my son. I accuse your government of complicity in the matter'.

As was his wont, Maulana Nehru totally ignored this simple request from the mother of Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee who had been his Cabinet colleague just three years earlier and who was a sitting Member of Parliament.

Maulana Nehru’s hatred of Dr.S.P.Mukherjee was a direct outcome of his unquenchable hatred towards the Hindus of India in general and Hindus of east Bengal in particular. No one can dismiss my view as an unfounded and off-the-cuff observation or allegation. To prove my point with formidable documentary evidence which can stand the minutest and severest judicial scrutiny in any Honest Court of Law, I am citing below excerpts from 2 official letters sent by Maulana Nehru to Dr.B.C.Roy, the then Chief Minister of West Bengal on 16 August, 1948 and dated 22 August, 1948:

 DR.B.C.ROY                               MAULANA NEHRU


Nehru’s Letter dated 16 August, 1948“I have your letter of August 4 about the refugees from East Bengal. “I realize your difficulties and naturally we should do what we can to help you. But as I told you long ago there is no reasonable solution of the problem, if there is a large influx from East Bengal. That is why I have been terribly anxious throughout to prevent this, whatever might happen. I still think that every effort should be made to prevent it. I think it was a very wrong thing for some of the Hindu leaders of East Bengal to come to West Bengal.”

Nehru’s Letter dated 22 August, 1948: “I have been quite certain from the beginning that everything should be done to prevent Hindus in East Bengal from migrating to West Bengal. If that happened on a mass scale it would be a disaster of the first magnitude. Running away is never a solution to a problem. I think the Hindu leaders of East Bengal who have come away have done no service to their people. If, as you suggest, things have gone too far already, naturally we shall all do what we can, but I shudder at the prospect and at the magnitude of the human misery that will come in its train. TO THE LAST, EVEN IF THERE IS WAR, I SHALL TRY TO CHECK MIGRATION.”

Shortly thereafter Dr. Mukherjee resigned and this is what he inter alia told the Lok Sabha on 19th April, 1950 : “My differences are fundamental and it is not fair or honourable for me to continue as a Member of the Government whose policy I cannot approve of. The circumstances that have led to my resignation are primarily concerned with the treatment of minorities in Pakistan especially in East Bengal…The recent Agreement (Nehru-Liaquat Pact), to my mind, offers no solution. The establishment of a homogenous Islamic state is Pakistan's creed and a planned extermination of Hindus and Sikhs and expropriation of their properties constitute its settled policy.”

Dr. Mukherjee gave the following reasons for not being a party to Nehru-Liaquat Agreement :

First We had two such Agreements since Partition for solving the Bengal problem and they were violated by Pakistan without any remedy open to us. Any Agreement which has no sanction will not offer any solution.

Secondly, the crux of the problem is Pakistan's concept of an Islamic State and the ultra-communal administration based on it. The Agreement sidetracks this cardinal issue and we are today exactly where we were previous to the Agreement.

Thirdly - India and Pakistan are made to appear equally guilty, while Pakistan was clearly the aggressor. The Agreement provides that no propaganda will be permitted against the territorial integrity of the two countries and there will be no incitement to war between them. This almost sounds farcical so long as Pakistan troops occupy a portion of our territory of Kashmir and warlike preparations on its part are in active operation.


Fifthly - There is no proposal to compensate those who have suffered nor will the guilty be ever punished, because no one will dare give evidence before a Pakistan Court. This is in accordance with bitter experience in the past.

Sixthly - Hindus will continue to come away in large numbers and those who have come will not be prepared to go back. On the other hand, Muslims who had gone away will now return and in our determination to implement the Agreement, Muslims will not leave India. Our economy will thus be shattered and possible conflict within our country will be greater.

Seventhly - In the garb of protecting minorities in India, the Agreement has reopened the problem of Muslim minority in India, thus seeking to revive those disruptive forces that created Pakistan itself. This principle, carried to its logical conclusions, will create fresh problems for us which strictly speaking are against our very Constitution.

Later on while participating in the debate in Lok Sabha, on 15th November, 1951, on the question of migration of Hindus from East Pakistan, Dr. Mukherjee inter alia said: “The question of the minorities in Pakistan has been settled during the last five years in different ways. So far as West Pakistan is concerned, today it stands virtually denuded of its minority population. During the last fortnight two shiploads of Hindu migrants came from Sind to India and I do not know how many thousands are still there. So far as East Pakistan is concerned, at the time of Partition the population of the Hindu minority was 1 crore and 40 lakhs. According to Government figures, about thirty lakhs have come out during the last five years. We do not accept the accuracy of these figures; but I do not wish to go into the details. If we refer to the last census report of the Pakistan Government itself, it appears that nearly 45 lakh Hindus have come out because according to that census the present Hindu population in East Bengal is about 95 lakhs.

Pacts and agreements were enacted between India and Pakistan on this issue, not once, not twice but thrice and all of us remember vividly the tragic circumstances under which the pact of April 8, 1950 was enacted. But inspite of the flowery language that was used on that occasion, the basic principles of the pact have been violated by Pakistan during the last two and a half years and we have witnessed during the last few months another mass migration… The creation of a homogenous Islamic State was the principal aim of the founder of Pakistan and those who have come into his shoes have carried that into execution in every possible way. Hindus have been deprived of their rights in every sphere - social, cultural, economic, religious and political. They are treated as zimmis.”

Referring to the events on the eve of Partition, Dr. Mukherjee said that : “At that time, I remember I met a number of Congress leaders and especially Gandhiji, and some of us begged of him to appreciate the real point of view, whether it will be possible for the minorities to live in Pakistan in view of the circumstances under which that new country was taking its birth. And we suggested a planned exchange of populations and property at Government level as part of the Partition scheme. He was not willing to accept it. The Congress leaders were not willing to accept it because their viewpoint was that what they were agreeing to was not a communal division of India but a territorial division of India.”

Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee said:” To a Hindu, the arguments advanced by Jawaharlal Nehru, in or outside Parliament, were not convincing. They appeared contrived merely to escape having to take a firm stand against Pakistan. A Prime Minister, strong enough to lead such a large country as India, should have said: ‘Janab Liaquat, either you stop sending out Hindus or we would send a commensurate number of Muslims across your borders. If you indulge in ethnic cleansing, we shall be left with no choice. In any case, it was your party called the Muslim League led by Qaid-e-Azam Jinnah which had repeatedly insisted that there should be an exchange of population. On the other hand, we were generous enough not to press for uprooting people who had lived where they did.’ Gandhi and Nehru perpetrated a fraud on the Hindus of India when they said, that it was a territorial division. The fact of the matter is that as early as 1931 Maulana Mohammad Ali at the first session of the Round Table Conference had told the British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald that he belonged "to two circles of equal size which are not concentric - one is Indian and the other is the Muslim world. He wrote: ‘We are not nationalists, but super-nationalists and I as a Muslim say that God made man and the Devil made the nation.’ Earlier, Allama Iqbal in his Allahabad address to the Muslim League in 1930 had clearly mentioned the division of Indian Provinces into MUSLIM and HINDU Provinces. The 1940 Lahore Resolution was reiteration of those ideas expressed by Iqbal. RIGHT FROM THE BEGINNING MUSLIM LEADERS HAD WANTED VIVISECTION OF INDIA ON RELIGIOUS LINES. THEREFORE, THE CONGRESS LEADERS' STAND THAT THE BASIS OF INDIA'S DIVISION WAS TERRITORIAL AND NOT RELIGIOUS, IS A FRAUD PERPETRATED BY GANDHI AND NEHRU ON THE HINDUS OF INDIA.”

Government of India, some years ago, appointed the Justice Mukherjee Commission in 1999 to enquire into the mystery concerning the death in 1945 of Netaji Subash Chandra Bose. Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, also a great Bengali, died under mysterious circumstances, as claimed by his own mother soon after his suspicious death. Nehru turned a deaf ear to her because of his romantic passion for Kashmir and Sheik Abdullah on the one hand and his rabid contempt for the Bengali Hindus on the other. All responsible citizens in India should appeal to the government of India to reopen the issue by appointing a Commission of Enquiry to enquire into the mysterious circumstances relating to the death of Dr S P Mukherjee while in illegal detention without any trial in May 1953. The nationalist Bengalis of West Bengal today cannot expect the recently elected anti-Hindu and Islamic government of the bumptious Begum Mamata Banerjee. to speak on their behalf in this matter, any more than what the CPI (M) Government would have done.

The worst fears of Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee expressed in 1951 and 1952 relating to the dreadful, uncertain and deathly future of Hindus in west Bengal have come true today in West Bengal under the virulently anti-Hindu and fanatically Islamic Government of the bumptious Begum Mamata Banerjee.

A few days ago I received an email from UPANANDA BRAHMACHARI under the title Mamata's Bengal : Muslim Bengal. I am giving below the full text of this email which clearly brings out the fact that Begum Mamata Banerjee is hell bent on the whole sale Islamization of West Bengal with the same Islamic fervour as the Government of Begum Khaleda Zia in Bangla Desh. There seems to be an underlying emotional parity between these two virulently Islamic and anti-Kafir (Hindu) Begums.

Begum Mamata of West Bengal AND Begum Khaleda Zia of Bangla Desh

TUESDAY, JUNE 14, 2011

10000 contingent Terrorists Hub are given recognition by Govt. of West Bengal.

Upananda Brahmachari || Spotlight Media Service
The newly elected West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee (read Mamtaz Banoo Arjee) has said the state government has decided to give recognition to over 10,000 unrecognized Madrasas in the state.

"We have decided to recognize over 10,000 hitherto unrecognized Madrasas in the state," the chief minister told reporters at the state secretariat. She said that the Madrasas, once recognized, would be eligible to receive central grants under various schemes.

The new state government has already decided to rename the Aliah University as Aliah Madrasa University.
It is a Red Alert for all the Hindus of West Bengal. Because All India Trinamul Congress (AITC) is going to approve or to give easy recognition to these 10,000 Terrorist Manufacturing Industries (Read Madrasa) as soon as possible. By the new declaration of Mamtaz Banoo Arjee (Read Mamata Banerjee) the Islamist in West Bengal will get a tremendous impetus to establish Madrasas here and there. The recognition of which are not any impending thing anymore. The other fact is that the huge amount of “DESTROY INDIA FUND” from ARABIAN COUNTRIES will be available for all these Madrsas, part of which will be utilized for the party fund of Mamata’s party AITC and Sonia’s Congrss as well. This will surely help to destroy ALL THE BENGALI HINDUS.

In these Manufacturing units of Jehadi Terrorists (read Madrasas), QURAN is a must read.

Quran is Terrorist Guide Book, which is taught at the Madrasa with top most veneration and endless priority. Now, please see below some sample of Terrorism in Quran:
For promotion of War: 9/60, 2/216, 8/14-14, 8/65, 17/16, 4/116, 8/67, 9/14, 9/73 with 66/9
For promotion of Violence: 8/65-66
Order of merciless killing of non-Muslims: 47/4, 33/61
Murder of non-believers & to show harshness by it: 9/123
Fire and stones for the Kafirs: 2/24, 2/39, 2/81, 5/10
Allah instills terror in the heart of Kafirs (Hindus and non-believers): 8/12
Allah is the enemy of the Kafirs: 2/98
To fight those who do not accept Islam: 9/73, 2/193, 9/12, 9/14
Jihad until Islam is established: 8/39, 2/193, 9/29
Process of Jihad : 8/12-13, 4/56, 2/191, 4/89, 47/4, 5/33, 33/61, 61/4, 4/8-29

By the by, Mamtaz Banoo Arjee is also going to declare Urdu as second language where the 10% Urdu spoken Muslims reside anyway. The establishment four campus of Aligarh University in West Bengal are also in priority considerations of the newly formed West Bengal Government with 20% reservation for the Muslim brethren of Mamta Banerjee. The Govt. is also thinking of a good package for the Imams and Muezzins of all the Mosques to ensure a Muslim Bengal in West Bengal to drive away all the Hindus from here just like Taslima Nasrin.

After taking the charge, the then Chief Minister of West Bengal, Buddhadev Bhattacharya questioned the role of Madrasas along the state borderline with Bangladesh for suspected spouting of cross-border terrorism for which he was criticized by the fundamental Muslim pressure groups within CPIM and other political parties. Mamata Banerjee is now making an ideal situation for Muslim Bengal with a great dedication by kicking ruthlessly upon the face of Bengali Hindus in West Bengal.


SONIA GANDHI                                                  PRANAB MUKHERJEE


              JYOTI BASU                                           BUDDHADEB 



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