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CURRENT ARTICLES OF V. SUNDARAM (JANUARY 2010 ONWARDS)

Sunday, June 26, 2011

DR S P MUKHERJEE,
THE DEFIANT LAMP OF FEARLESS HINDU NATIONALISM-II
THE SUDDEN AND MYSTERIOUS END OF DR SHYAMA PRASAD MUKHERJEE
V.SUNDARAM I.A.S.
ALL INDIA GENERAL SECRETARY (IDEOLOGY) JANATA PARTY

In PART I of this story I had written about how Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was a true and fearless nationalist. He died under mysterious circumstances on 23 May 1953 while under illegal detention without a trial in a private home in Srinagar, in Kashmir. It is a known fact that Maulana Nehru had unconcealed contempt for the Hindus of India in general and the Hindus of Bengal in particular. On the other hand his infatuation for the Muslims of both India and Pakistan was total and indivisible. Further, he had a special regard and consideration founded on unrequited love for Sheik Abdullah for a lifetime. At the same time he had nothing but Islamic hatred and evangelical contempt for Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee.

The Liaquat–Nehru Pact was signed by Pakistan's Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan and Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in New Delhi on April 8, 1950. The pact was the outcome of six days of talks between the two Prime Ministers in Delhi. It sought to guarantee the rights of minorities in both countries after the Partition of India and avert another war between them.

Dr. Mukherjee completely disagreed with Maulana Jawaharlal Nehru on the issue of the 1950 Nehru Pact with Pakistani Prime Minister Liaqat Ali Khan, Dr. Mukherjee was firmly against Nehru's invitation to the Pakistani PM, and their joint pact to establish minority commissions and guarantee minority rights in both countries. He wanted to hold Pakistan directly responsible for the terrible influx of millions of Hindu refugees from East Pakistan, who had left the state fearing religious suppression and violence aided by the Sate. Dr. Mukherjee condemned Nehru's action as a disastrous policy of Muslim appeasement. He was hailed as a great hero by the people of West Bengal.

On 6th April 1950, Dr S P Mukherjee, who was Minister for Industry and Supply, resigned from the Jawaharlal Nehru Ministry as a mark of angry protest against the Indian government's appeasement policy towards Pakistan. In a Cabinet meeting held in the afternoon of that day, Dr S P Mukherjee told Nehru: 'When Muslims in Kashmir were attacked you sent the Indian Armed Forces and spent crores of rupees. What do you care for us Bengali Hindus? What do you care for the criminal assaults on our women?'

This is quoted in a book called 'Soundings in Modern South Asian History' edited by D A Low, published by Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London in 1968. In the same book it has also been reported that Pundit Nehru stood up and began to advance menacingly towards Dr S P Mukherjee. For a moment it looked as if the Cabinet meeting would become a battle field. The other Ministers present tried to pacify Dr S P Mukherjee and Pundit Nehru. When things came to such a pass, Sardar Patel the meeting should be adjourned'. cleverly left the meeting. He was soon followed by other Ministers. Nehru reacted with relief in the following manner: 'Half the Cabinet has gone away. I think.

Nehru in 1950 because he came to the firm conclusion that the Government of Maulana Nehru was working Round-the-clock only for the welfare and development Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee resigned from the non-Government of Maulana of Terrorist Muslims of both Pakistan (East and West) and India. Maulana Nehru’s Government was not concerned at all with the Majority Hindus of India. Maulana Nehru had unconcealed contempt and hatred towards all the Hindus of India in general and the Bengali Hindus of undivided Bengal in particular. Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee earnestly felt that the attitude of Maulana Congress Party towards the Hindus of Independent India was in no way different from the attitude of the Muslim League of Mohammed Ali Jinnah towards the Hindus in West and East Pakistan. So in short Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was shattered and traumatised by the stark fact that the Hindus of India were politically orphaned and put in a rudderless ship on an uncharted sea.
                                                                                                                         
It was in such a mood of righteous indignation arising from the betrayal of the Hindus of India, that Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee felt the imperative national need for creating a new Political Party rooted in the timeless traditions of Sanatana Dharma to protect all the people of India in general and the Hindus of India in particular who had been reduced to the position of political orphans by the essentially pro-Islamic, pro-Christian and virulently anti-Hindu Government of Maulana Nehru. That is how the new Political Party called the Jan Sangh was created by Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee on 21st October, 1951.


Prof. Bal Raj Madhok
Founder General Secretary of Jana Sangh

The inspiring political story of how the Jana Sangh Party was born in New Delhi on 21st October 1951 has been narrated by Prof.Bal Raj Madhok in the October 2008 issue of the Journal Jana Sangh Today. We can see that Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was elected as the Founder President of the Jana Sangh Party and Prof. Bal Raj Madhok as the First General Secretary.

FOUNDING OF JAN SANGH





-Prof Bal Raj Madhok
When the British left India for good after dividing it between Muslim India named Pakistan and Hindu India or Hindustan, they handed over power to Muslim League in Pakistan and Congress in India. Congress, in fact, had got a large number of Hindu votes whom it disowned owing to its claim that the party represented both Hindus and Muslims and not Hindus alone. This was not true. The reality was different. All Hindus who stood for united India, irrespective of their party or panth affiliation, had voted for the Congress, and almost all Muslims had voted for the Muslim League and Pakistan in the crucial election of 1946. This fact was well-known to Gandhi and Sardar Patel. They, therefore, insisted that the non-Congress Hindu leaders such as Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee and Dr. B. R. Ambedkar be included in the government of free India. These leaders worked in close cooperation with Sardar Patel and other Hindu nationalist leaders of the Congress while differing with Nehru on many issues.

The situation became worse after Sardar Patel's illness and the Nehru-Liaqat Pact which left the Hindus of East Bengal to the mercy of Pakisani government. Their persecution and forcible eviction from East Pakistan to India continued. This proved to be the last straw for Dr. Mukherjee. He resigned from Nehru cabinet on 8 April, 1950. His statement on the resignation was given in the Lok Sabha on April 14. It was a historic document in which he forecast that the Nehruvian policies would be disastrous for the nation and might create a situation worse than that before the partition of the motherland. It was widely appreciated by all sections of Hindu society. Citizens of Delhi gave Dr. Mukherjee a reception to facilitate him for his bold and historic step. In his concluding speech Dr. Mukherjee told the audience that the country needed a nationalist and democratic alternative to the Nehruvian Congress. He made an appeal to all sections of Hindu society particularly those connected with Arya Samaj and RSS to extend their support to his proposed party. Soon after the speech, Dr. Mukherjee asked me to write the proposed party's manifesto. I said how could I write it without knowing the people and their ideas who may join it. Dr. Mookeji's reply was significant. He said, "Bal Raj, you have been connected with Arya Samaj since your childhood and know its mind. You have also been associated with RSS since your college days and know its mind. You know my mind too. What more do you want to know? So, go ahead and prepare the manifesto". That was the first concrete step towards the formation of a new party. 

By that time, the new Constitution of India was ready and it was expected that the general election to the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies may be held anytime in 1951.

Meanwhile, the response of Arya Samaj towards the new party was encouraging. However, no response came from the RSS. Knowing its organizational set-up and following among the youth, Dr. Mukherjee was keen to get a positive reply from RSS. When no response was forthcoming, he decided to go ahead with his proposed party without any further delay. He returned to Calcutta and held a meeting of his supporters and announced the formation of a new party called 'Indian Peoples Party'. It got wide publicity in the media. 

The announcement of a new party created a stir in the RSS. Already, its leadership had felt the need of political support at the time of its ban by the Congress after Gandhi murder. It, therefore, asked me to convey to Dr. Mukherjee RSS' willingness to extend support to Indian Peoples Party. Its leadership also suggested its preference for a Kesari flag and a Hindi name for the new party. The names suggested by it were Bhartiya Lok Sangh and Bharitya Jan Sangh. Dr. Mukherjee preferred Jan Sangh over Lok Sangh as Lok implies crowd while Jan means people and a closer association with motherland. This marked the beginning of the foundation of Bhartiya Jan Sangh as a national party. 

Jan Sangh's foundation convention was convened under my convenorship at New Delhi on 21st October, 1951. Here Dr. Mukherjee was chosen its National President and I was appointed its National Secretary. Pt. Mauli Chandra Sharma and Bhai Mahavir were formally nominated as its general secretaries. But Bhai Mahavir never took charge of his office and Pt. Sharma became inactive after his defeat in the Lok Sabha election from Delhi. 

Within two months of Jan Sangh's formation, the election to the Lok Sabha were declared. Realising the importance of Dr. Mukherjee, Prime Minister Nehru consistently targeted Jan Sangh and Dr. Mukherjee in his election speeches. This proved to be a blessing in disguise as it gave Jan Sangh and its President much wider publicity than anticipated. This became clear when the results were out. Jan Sangh not only won three Lok Sabha seats but also gained recognition as a national party by getting three per cent of the total votes polled. Its three elected members to the Lak Sabha were Dr. Mukherjee and Shri Bandhopadhyaya from West. Bengal and Barrister Uma Shankar Trivedi from Chittor. Jan Sangh emerged as the fourth national political party after the Congress, the Communist Party and the Socialist Party. 

The national status of Jan Sangh together with the growing importance of Dr. Mukherjee both within and outside Parliament marked the emergence of Jan Sangh as a truly national and democratic alternative to the Nehruvian Congress. This was the real foundation of Jan Sangh which steadily grew to be the real alternative to the Congress both in letter and spirit.


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In the General Elections of 1952, Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was elected as MP. In New Delhi alone, the Jana Sangh Party won 3 seats. In his capacity as president of the Jan Sangh, Dr S P Mukherjee was elected as leader of the National Democratic Group in the Lok Sabha when he entered Parliament after the general elections in 1952. Nehru was known for his violent bursts of temper and cherished the hallucination that any gregarious 'loss' of his temper meant a glorious 'gain' for India! Sharp words were exchanged between Maulana Jawaharlal Nehru and Dr S P Mookerjee on 17 February, 1953 in the Lok Sabha. I am giving below the words exchanged by them during the Parliamentary debate:

           Nehru shouted: 'Disgraceful!'

           Dr S P Mukherjee: 'It was nothing but disgraceful!'

        Nehru said indignantly: 'It was disgraceful to have brought in the course of this debate these wild, irresponsible and fantastic charges. This itself shows the nature of the entire speech and the mentality behind it'.

        Dr S P Mukherjee: 'His temper shows more than anything else his incapacity to rule over this country'.

        Nehru: 'I ask the gentleman on the other side to prove that or withdraw his remarks about wine and women'.

        Dr Mukherjee retorted: 'I never said 'women'. I never used that word. I only said 'money and wine'.

        Nehru: 'I ask the member to prove his irresponsible statement'.
        Dr Mukherjee: 'It is no use losing your temper'.

        Nehru: 'It is the hon'ble member's right'.

        Dr Mukherjee: 'IT IS JAWAHARLAL NEHRU'S ETERNAL RIGHT TO LOSE TEMPER'!

Dr S P Mukherjee became a cult figure among all the Hindus of India who had undergone the horrors of partition in 1947-48 in North Western and North Eastern India. His burning patriotism, shining idealism and stark realism had naturally made him a front rank national leader. As he was only in his early 50s at that time, many had hoped that sooner than later he would emerge as the Prime Minister of India. But that was not to be. I cannot help suspecting that he was put to death with the full knowledge and political blessings of Sheik Abdullah and Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, colluding, collaborating, conspiring and acting together to put an end to the heroic and selfless life of Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee.

I am led to this sad conclusion by the letters which Lady Jogmaya Devi Mukherjee, wife of Sir Ashutosh Mukherjee and mother of Dr S P Mukherjee, exchanged with Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru soon after the death of her son in Srinagar in Kashmir while on illegal detention in May 1953. I have obtained copies of these letters from my esteemed friend V Kalyanam, who worked as personal secretary to Mahatma Gandhi for nearly four years from 1944 to 1948. After a detailed discussion with him I have gathered the following facts which will stand any judicial scrutiny.

In her letter dated 4 July, 1953, Lady Jogmaya Devi Mukherjee wrote to Nehru about her son's death as follows: 'His death is shrouded in mystery. Is it not most astounding and shocking that ever since his detention there, the first information that I, his mother, received from the government of Kashmir was that my son was 'no more', and that also at least two hours after the end? And in what a cruel, cryptic way the message was conveyed! '. A fearless son of free India has met his death while 'in detention without trial' under most tragic and mysterious circumstances. I, THE MOTHER OF THE GREAT DEPARTED SOUL, DEMAND THAT AN ABSOLUTELY IMPARTIAL AND OPEN ENQUIRY BY INDEPENDENT AND COMPETENT PERSONS BE HELD WITHOUT ANY DELAY. I know nothing can bring back to us the life that is no more. But I do want is that the people of India must judge for themselves, the real causes of this great tragedy enacted in a free country and the part that was played by your government'.

Maulana Nehru gave a confused and guarded pseudo-secular reply on 5 July 1953: 'l did not venture to write to you before without going into the matter of Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee's detention and death fairly carefully. I have since enquired further into it from a number of persons who had occasion to know 'some facts'. I can only say to you that I arrived at the clear and honest conclusion that there is no mystery in this and that Dr Mookerjee was given every consideration'.

Deeply hurt by the callous and insensitive reply from Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, Lady Jogmaya Devi Mukherjee wrote back the following rejoinder in her letter dated 9 July, 1953: 'Your letter dated 5th July reached me on the 7th. It is a sad commentary on the whole situation. Instead of helping to clear up the mystery, your attitude deepens it. I demanded an open enquiry. I did not ask 'for your clear and honest conclusion'. Your reaction to the whole affair is now well-known. The people of India and I, the mother, have got to be convinced. There is a rooted suspicion in the mind of many. What is required is 'an open, impartial, immediate enquiry'. The various points raised in my letter remain unanswered. I had clearly told you that I had positive evidence to prove certain very relevant and important facts. You do not care to know or look into them. You say that you had enquired from a number of persons who had occasion to know some facts. It is strange that even we, the members of his family, are not regarded as persons who can at least throw some light on the matter and yet you call your conclusion to be honest'.

'Your experience in jails is known to all. It was at one time a matter of great national pride with us. But you had suffered imprisonment under an alien rule and my son has met his death in detention without trial under a national government. It is futile to address you further. You are afraid to face facts. I hold the Kashmir government responsible for the death of my son. I accuse your government of complicity in the matter'.

As was his wont, Maulana Nehru totally ignored this simple request from the mother of Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee who had been his Cabinet colleague just three years earlier and who was a sitting Member of Parliament.

Maulana Nehru’s hatred of Dr.S.P.Mukherjee was a direct outcome of his unquenchable hatred towards the Hindus of India in general and Hindus of east Bengal in particular. No one can dismiss my view as an unfounded and off-the-cuff observation or allegation. To prove my point with formidable documentary evidence which can stand the minutest and severest judicial scrutiny in any Honest Court of Law, I am citing below excerpts from 2 official letters sent by Maulana Nehru to Dr.B.C.Roy, the then Chief Minister of West Bengal on 16 August, 1948 and dated 22 August, 1948:

 DR.B.C.ROY                               MAULANA NEHRU

 JOINT PROMOTERS  AND PATRONS OF HINDU GENOCIDE  IN EAST BENGAL (1947-1962)


Nehru’s Letter dated 16 August, 1948“I have your letter of August 4 about the refugees from East Bengal. “I realize your difficulties and naturally we should do what we can to help you. But as I told you long ago there is no reasonable solution of the problem, if there is a large influx from East Bengal. That is why I have been terribly anxious throughout to prevent this, whatever might happen. I still think that every effort should be made to prevent it. I think it was a very wrong thing for some of the Hindu leaders of East Bengal to come to West Bengal.”

Nehru’s Letter dated 22 August, 1948: “I have been quite certain from the beginning that everything should be done to prevent Hindus in East Bengal from migrating to West Bengal. If that happened on a mass scale it would be a disaster of the first magnitude. Running away is never a solution to a problem. I think the Hindu leaders of East Bengal who have come away have done no service to their people. If, as you suggest, things have gone too far already, naturally we shall all do what we can, but I shudder at the prospect and at the magnitude of the human misery that will come in its train. TO THE LAST, EVEN IF THERE IS WAR, I SHALL TRY TO CHECK MIGRATION.”

Shortly thereafter Dr. Mukherjee resigned and this is what he inter alia told the Lok Sabha on 19th April, 1950 : “My differences are fundamental and it is not fair or honourable for me to continue as a Member of the Government whose policy I cannot approve of. The circumstances that have led to my resignation are primarily concerned with the treatment of minorities in Pakistan especially in East Bengal…The recent Agreement (Nehru-Liaquat Pact), to my mind, offers no solution. The establishment of a homogenous Islamic state is Pakistan's creed and a planned extermination of Hindus and Sikhs and expropriation of their properties constitute its settled policy.”

Dr. Mukherjee gave the following reasons for not being a party to Nehru-Liaquat Agreement :

First We had two such Agreements since Partition for solving the Bengal problem and they were violated by Pakistan without any remedy open to us. Any Agreement which has no sanction will not offer any solution.

Secondly, the crux of the problem is Pakistan's concept of an Islamic State and the ultra-communal administration based on it. The Agreement sidetracks this cardinal issue and we are today exactly where we were previous to the Agreement.

Thirdly - India and Pakistan are made to appear equally guilty, while Pakistan was clearly the aggressor. The Agreement provides that no propaganda will be permitted against the territorial integrity of the two countries and there will be no incitement to war between them. This almost sounds farcical so long as Pakistan troops occupy a portion of our territory of Kashmir and warlike preparations on its part are in active operation.

Fourthly - EVENTS HAVE PROVED THAT HINDUS CANNOT LIVE IN EAST BENGAL ON THE ASSURANCE OF SECURITY GIVEN BY PAKISTAN. WE SHOULD ACCEPT THIS AS A BASIC PROPOSITION. THE PRESENT AGREEMENT ON THE OTHER HAND CALLS UPON MINORITIES TO LOOK UPON PAKISTAN GOVERNMENT FOR THEIR SAFETY AND HONOUR WHICH IS ADDING INSULT TO INJURY AND IS CONTRARY TO ASSURANCES GIVEN BY US PREVIOUSLY.

Fifthly - There is no proposal to compensate those who have suffered nor will the guilty be ever punished, because no one will dare give evidence before a Pakistan Court. This is in accordance with bitter experience in the past.

Sixthly - Hindus will continue to come away in large numbers and those who have come will not be prepared to go back. On the other hand, Muslims who had gone away will now return and in our determination to implement the Agreement, Muslims will not leave India. Our economy will thus be shattered and possible conflict within our country will be greater.

Seventhly - In the garb of protecting minorities in India, the Agreement has reopened the problem of Muslim minority in India, thus seeking to revive those disruptive forces that created Pakistan itself. This principle, carried to its logical conclusions, will create fresh problems for us which strictly speaking are against our very Constitution.

Later on while participating in the debate in Lok Sabha, on 15th November, 1951, on the question of migration of Hindus from East Pakistan, Dr. Mukherjee inter alia said: “The question of the minorities in Pakistan has been settled during the last five years in different ways. So far as West Pakistan is concerned, today it stands virtually denuded of its minority population. During the last fortnight two shiploads of Hindu migrants came from Sind to India and I do not know how many thousands are still there. So far as East Pakistan is concerned, at the time of Partition the population of the Hindu minority was 1 crore and 40 lakhs. According to Government figures, about thirty lakhs have come out during the last five years. We do not accept the accuracy of these figures; but I do not wish to go into the details. If we refer to the last census report of the Pakistan Government itself, it appears that nearly 45 lakh Hindus have come out because according to that census the present Hindu population in East Bengal is about 95 lakhs.

Pacts and agreements were enacted between India and Pakistan on this issue, not once, not twice but thrice and all of us remember vividly the tragic circumstances under which the pact of April 8, 1950 was enacted. But inspite of the flowery language that was used on that occasion, the basic principles of the pact have been violated by Pakistan during the last two and a half years and we have witnessed during the last few months another mass migration… The creation of a homogenous Islamic State was the principal aim of the founder of Pakistan and those who have come into his shoes have carried that into execution in every possible way. Hindus have been deprived of their rights in every sphere - social, cultural, economic, religious and political. They are treated as zimmis.”

Referring to the events on the eve of Partition, Dr. Mukherjee said that : “At that time, I remember I met a number of Congress leaders and especially Gandhiji, and some of us begged of him to appreciate the real point of view, whether it will be possible for the minorities to live in Pakistan in view of the circumstances under which that new country was taking its birth. And we suggested a planned exchange of populations and property at Government level as part of the Partition scheme. He was not willing to accept it. The Congress leaders were not willing to accept it because their viewpoint was that what they were agreeing to was not a communal division of India but a territorial division of India.”

Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee said:” To a Hindu, the arguments advanced by Jawaharlal Nehru, in or outside Parliament, were not convincing. They appeared contrived merely to escape having to take a firm stand against Pakistan. A Prime Minister, strong enough to lead such a large country as India, should have said: ‘Janab Liaquat, either you stop sending out Hindus or we would send a commensurate number of Muslims across your borders. If you indulge in ethnic cleansing, we shall be left with no choice. In any case, it was your party called the Muslim League led by Qaid-e-Azam Jinnah which had repeatedly insisted that there should be an exchange of population. On the other hand, we were generous enough not to press for uprooting people who had lived where they did.’ Gandhi and Nehru perpetrated a fraud on the Hindus of India when they said, that it was a territorial division. The fact of the matter is that as early as 1931 Maulana Mohammad Ali at the first session of the Round Table Conference had told the British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald that he belonged "to two circles of equal size which are not concentric - one is Indian and the other is the Muslim world. He wrote: ‘We are not nationalists, but super-nationalists and I as a Muslim say that God made man and the Devil made the nation.’ Earlier, Allama Iqbal in his Allahabad address to the Muslim League in 1930 had clearly mentioned the division of Indian Provinces into MUSLIM and HINDU Provinces. The 1940 Lahore Resolution was reiteration of those ideas expressed by Iqbal. RIGHT FROM THE BEGINNING MUSLIM LEADERS HAD WANTED VIVISECTION OF INDIA ON RELIGIOUS LINES. THEREFORE, THE CONGRESS LEADERS' STAND THAT THE BASIS OF INDIA'S DIVISION WAS TERRITORIAL AND NOT RELIGIOUS, IS A FRAUD PERPETRATED BY GANDHI AND NEHRU ON THE HINDUS OF INDIA.”

Government of India, some years ago, appointed the Justice Mukherjee Commission in 1999 to enquire into the mystery concerning the death in 1945 of Netaji Subash Chandra Bose. Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, also a great Bengali, died under mysterious circumstances, as claimed by his own mother soon after his suspicious death. Nehru turned a deaf ear to her because of his romantic passion for Kashmir and Sheik Abdullah on the one hand and his rabid contempt for the Bengali Hindus on the other. All responsible citizens in India should appeal to the government of India to reopen the issue by appointing a Commission of Enquiry to enquire into the mysterious circumstances relating to the death of Dr S P Mukherjee while in illegal detention without any trial in May 1953. The nationalist Bengalis of West Bengal today cannot expect the recently elected anti-Hindu and Islamic government of the bumptious Begum Mamata Banerjee. to speak on their behalf in this matter, any more than what the CPI (M) Government would have done.

The worst fears of Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee expressed in 1951 and 1952 relating to the dreadful, uncertain and deathly future of Hindus in west Bengal have come true today in West Bengal under the virulently anti-Hindu and fanatically Islamic Government of the bumptious Begum Mamata Banerjee.

A few days ago I received an email from UPANANDA BRAHMACHARI under the title Mamata's Bengal : Muslim Bengal. I am giving below the full text of this email which clearly brings out the fact that Begum Mamata Banerjee is hell bent on the whole sale Islamization of West Bengal with the same Islamic fervour as the Government of Begum Khaleda Zia in Bangla Desh. There seems to be an underlying emotional parity between these two virulently Islamic and anti-Kafir (Hindu) Begums.



Begum Mamata of West Bengal AND Begum Khaleda Zia of Bangla Desh


TUESDAY, JUNE 14, 2011

10000 contingent Terrorists Hub are given recognition by Govt. of West Bengal.

Upananda Brahmachari || Spotlight Media Service
The newly elected West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee (read Mamtaz Banoo Arjee) has said the state government has decided to give recognition to over 10,000 unrecognized Madrasas in the state.

"We have decided to recognize over 10,000 hitherto unrecognized Madrasas in the state," the chief minister told reporters at the state secretariat. She said that the Madrasas, once recognized, would be eligible to receive central grants under various schemes.

The new state government has already decided to rename the Aliah University as Aliah Madrasa University.
It is a Red Alert for all the Hindus of West Bengal. Because All India Trinamul Congress (AITC) is going to approve or to give easy recognition to these 10,000 Terrorist Manufacturing Industries (Read Madrasa) as soon as possible. By the new declaration of Mamtaz Banoo Arjee (Read Mamata Banerjee) the Islamist in West Bengal will get a tremendous impetus to establish Madrasas here and there. The recognition of which are not any impending thing anymore. The other fact is that the huge amount of “DESTROY INDIA FUND” from ARABIAN COUNTRIES will be available for all these Madrsas, part of which will be utilized for the party fund of Mamata’s party AITC and Sonia’s Congrss as well. This will surely help to destroy ALL THE BENGALI HINDUS.

In these Manufacturing units of Jehadi Terrorists (read Madrasas), QURAN is a must read.

Quran is Terrorist Guide Book, which is taught at the Madrasa with top most veneration and endless priority. Now, please see below some sample of Terrorism in Quran:
For promotion of War: 9/60, 2/216, 8/14-14, 8/65, 17/16, 4/116, 8/67, 9/14, 9/73 with 66/9
For promotion of Violence: 8/65-66
Order of merciless killing of non-Muslims: 47/4, 33/61
Murder of non-believers & to show harshness by it: 9/123
Fire and stones for the Kafirs: 2/24, 2/39, 2/81, 5/10
Allah instills terror in the heart of Kafirs (Hindus and non-believers): 8/12
Allah is the enemy of the Kafirs: 2/98
To fight those who do not accept Islam: 9/73, 2/193, 9/12, 9/14
Jihad until Islam is established: 8/39, 2/193, 9/29
Process of Jihad : 8/12-13, 4/56, 2/191, 4/89, 47/4, 5/33, 33/61, 61/4, 4/8-29
PLEASE READ THE ABOVE MENTIONED SURA & AYAT IN QURAN.

By the by, Mamtaz Banoo Arjee is also going to declare Urdu as second language where the 10% Urdu spoken Muslims reside anyway. The establishment four campus of Aligarh University in West Bengal are also in priority considerations of the newly formed West Bengal Government with 20% reservation for the Muslim brethren of Mamta Banerjee. The Govt. is also thinking of a good package for the Imams and Muezzins of all the Mosques to ensure a Muslim Bengal in West Bengal to drive away all the Hindus from here just like Taslima Nasrin.

After taking the charge, the then Chief Minister of West Bengal, Buddhadev Bhattacharya questioned the role of Madrasas along the state borderline with Bangladesh for suspected spouting of cross-border terrorism for which he was criticized by the fundamental Muslim pressure groups within CPIM and other political parties. Mamata Banerjee is now making an ideal situation for Muslim Bengal with a great dedication by kicking ruthlessly upon the face of Bengali Hindus in West Bengal.



        

SONIA GANDHI                                                  PRANAB MUKHERJEE

ISLAMIC SONIA CONGRESS TERRORISTS OF BENGAL


              JYOTI BASU                                           BUDDHADEB 
                                                                                  BHATTACHARJEE            

ISLAMIC MARXIST TERRORISTS OF BENGAL

GOD SAVE THE BENGALIS AND BENGAL ! GOD SAVE THE HELPLESS ,HOPELESS HINDUS OF BENGAL!! THEY HAVE VERY LITTLE TO CHOOSE BETWEEN THE TERRORIZING ISLAMIC MARXIST COMMUNIST PARTY, THE TERRORIZING ISLAMIC SONIA CONGRESS PARTY OF PRANAB MUKHERJEE AND THE ISLAMIC TRINAMOOL CONGRESS PARTY OF MAMATA BANERJEE!!!



Thursday, June 23, 2011

DR S P MUKHERJEE,
THE RESPLENDENT LAMP OF FEARLESS HINDU NATIONALISM-I

V SUNDARAM I.A.S.

DR SHYAMA PRASAD MUKHERJEE
(1901-1953)

Today (23-6-2011) happens to be the 47th Death anniversary of Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee (1901-1953) who was murdered in Kashmir on 23rd June 1953. He was a great scholar, an ardent Hindu nationalist and an outspoken Parliamentarian. He was born on 6 July, 1901 in a Brahmin family with a very high social standing in Bengal. From his parents Sri Ashutosh Mukerjee and Jogmaya Devi, Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee inherited a splendid tradition of erudite scholarship and fervent nationalism. Both of them inspired him to live a pure, dedicated, selfless, totally fearless and manly life. His father who was perhaps the most distinguished Vice-Chancellor of Calcutta University gave him the following message early in his life: 'To have lived long does not necessarily imply the gathering of much wisdom and experience. A man who has pedalled 25,000 miles on a stationary bi-cycle has not circled the globe. He has only garnered weariness'. No wonder Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee packed into his short life of 52 years unsurpassed exertions and unremitting toil of several life times.


Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee had a brilliant academic career in Calcutta University, taking his Honours Degree in English and securing the first position in the first class from the Presidency College in 1921. He also took his M A degree in Indian Languaes. In 1924 he took his B L degree from Calcutta University again topping the list. He went to England to pursue further legal studies and was called to the Bar in 1927 from Lincoln's Inn. Though he was fully qualified for it, he never practiced law as a profession. HE BECAME THE YOUNGEST VICE-CHANCELLOR OF CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY IN 1934 AT THE AGE OF 33 AND CONTINUED IN THAT POSITION TILL 1938. CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY CONFERRED ON HIM D LITT AND BENARES HINDU UNIVERSITY HONOURED HIM WITH LLD IN 1938.

Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee's political career was marked by his deathless commitment to his ideals of burning patriotism and selfless service. His political career began in 1929 when he became a Member of the Bengal Legislative Council.

He was elected as a Congress candidate from the Calcutta University constituency. He acted as a watchdog for the University in the Council. But in response to the Congress call for boycott of Council, he resigned, but later re-entered it as an Independent Member for the sake of serving the University when he was re-elected in 1937. As a firm believer in Hindutva and Sanatana Dharma, he became president of All India Hindu Mahasabha in 1939. That did not come in the way of his becoming the Finance Minister of Bengal in 1941 in the hectic days of the II World War. Even while remaining in the Government, he actively opposed the British Government when the leading Congress leaders were arrested after the Quit India Resolution was passed in Bombay on 9 August, 1942. When his views on the patriotism of the Congress leaders went unheeded, he resigned from the Ministry as a protest against the British policy of oppression and suppression of civil liberties in India.

THE GREAT BENGAL FAMINE OF 1943-44, generally referred to as Panchasher Manvantar by the Bengalis (the famine of fifty, ie the Bengali year 1350), was a great calamity. During the period from 1943 to 1946, 38 lakhs of people died as a result of the famine and the epidemic diseases that accompanied it. When this issue came up for debate in the Bengal Legislative Assembly, Dr Shyama Prasad Mookerjee indicted both the Food Minister of Bengal H S Suharawardy and his business friend Ispahani in these words: 'IN THE NAME OF THE STARVING MILLIONS OF BENGAL I CONDEMN YOU. ON BEHALF OF THE HELPLESS FAMILIES OF RURAL BENGAL WHO HAVE LOST THEIR BREADWINNERS, CHAMPIONS AND PROTECTORS I CONDEMN YOU. BENGAL HAS NOT SEEN GREATER ACTS OF OFFICIAL CRIME IN ITS LONG HISTORY'.

Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee covered himself with glory by his Himalayan relief efforts during the deathly days of Great Bengal Famine. Government of Bengal appointed an apex relief organisation called Relief Coordination Committee with Badridas Goenka as President and Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee as Vice-President. Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee saw to it that 5000 relief kitchens were opened in Bengal for catering to the needs of famine-stricken people. He rose above narrow party alignments and in the process emerged as the most shining symbol of Bengali protest against the arrogance of British imperial authorities and the misdeeds of the essentially anti-Hindu, pro-Islamic, and pro-British Bengal Government.

Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was initially a strong opponent of the Partition of India. But following the communal riots of 1946 organised by H S Suharawardy, Prime Minister of Bengal, Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee strongly advocated against Hindus living in a Muslim- dominated State government controlled by the Muslim League. He supported the Partition of Bengal in 1946 in order to prevent the inclusion of the Hindu majority areas in a Muslim-dominated East Pakistan. The basically traitorous , anti-national and shameless CPI (M) Government in West Bengal has functioned as an official political agent of Bangladeshi Islamic Terrorism, Global Islamic Terrorism, ISI Islamic Terrorism, SIMI Islamic Terrorism for the last 30 years by freely allowing a massive infiltration of Bangladeshi Muslims into West Bengal. These illegal Islamic immigrants have been the Vote Banks of the CPI (M) Party and these Muslim Vote Banks have now been bought over by the Trinamool Congress of Mamta Baneerje. It will not be too much to say that both the CPI (M) and the Trinamool Congress (TMC) are the successors of the Muslim League of HS Shurrawardy in undivided Bengal in !946.

On the advice of Mahatma Gandhi, Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru inducted Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee in the interim Central government in 1946 in New Delhi as a Minister for Industry and Supply. He came to be widely respected by many Indians and also by members of the Indian National Congress and Sardar Vallabhai Patel as an outstanding Minister.

But on the explosively controversial issue of Nehru's 1949 Delhi Pact with Pakistan Prime Minister Liyakat Ali Khan, Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee resigned from the Central Cabinet on 6 April, 1950. He was firmly against Nehru's invitation to the Pakistani Prime Minister and their pact to establish Minority Commissions and guarantee minority rights in both countries. He wanted Nehru to hold Pakistan directly responsible for the terrible influx of millions of Hindu refugees from East Pakistan, who had left the State fearing religious suppression and violence aided by the State. Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee described Nehru's action as 'abject Muslim appeasement', and was hailed as a great hero by the people of West Bengal.

Maulana Jawaharlal Nehru had boundless affection for the terrorist and murderous Muslims of both West Pakistan and East Pakistan (East Bengal or present Bangladesh). When the criminal and barbarous Muslims of East Pakistan, with the full official and political support of the Government of Pakistan, were playing the savage drama of State-sponsored Hindu Genocide in East Pakistan immediately after the Partition of India in 1947-48, the Hindus of East Bengal----men, women and children--were running for their lives to places of safety and security in West Bengal. At that time, in a brutally insensitive and inhuman fashion, the murderous joker Maulana Jawaharlal Nehru was advising the helpless Hindus of East Bengal (East Pakistan) to stay back in their traditional places of habitation, unmindful of the slaughter, rape of women, loot of property, wholesale destruction of Hindu villages and other atrocities that were being let loose by the Muslims of the then East Pakistan (East Bengal and now Bangladesh).

This becomes clear from the irresponsible and reprehensible letters sent by this lecherous Congress Dacoit to Dr.B.C.Roy, the then Chief Minister of West Bengal.

I am presenting below the full text of the Editorial which was published in the Monthly Journal  JANA SANGH TODAY in its issue of December 2006. We can see the letters sent by Maulana Jawaharlal Nehru to Dr.B.C.Roy on 16th August 1948 and 22nd August 1948.



Ideology
Nehru's Neglect Of Hindus
Dec 2006

The great Calcutta killing took place in August 1946. This carnage was followed by riots in East Bengal and were especially centred around Noakhali, a port in the Bay of Bengal and Tippera (now in Tripura). The rioting was so prolonged and intense that it set off an exodus of Hindus who proceeded towards Calcutta. Even a tour by Gandhi to reassure the affected families made little difference. Partition took place in the middle of August a year later, and the exodus almost became a flood. This compelled the central government at Delhi to talk to their Pakistani counterparts. At the end of Inter-Dominion Conference in 1948, an Indo-Pak agreement was signed in the hope of reassuring the minorities.

The 'Marginal Men' by Prafulla K. Chakrabarti, Naya Udyog, Kolkata, 1999, is relevent in this context. In it is quoted the correspondence between Jawaharlal Nehru and West Bengal Chief Minister Dr. B.C. Roy. Two of Nehru's letters are quoted.

On 16 August 1948 Nehru wrote:

I have your letter of August 4th about the influx from East Bengal. I realise your difficulties and naturally we should do what we can to help you. But as I told you long ago there is no reasonable solution of the problem if there is a large influx from East Bengal. That is why I have been terribly anxious throughout to prevent this, whatever might happen. I still think that every effort should be made to prevent it. I think that it was a very wrong thing for some of the Hindu leaders of East Bengal to come to West Bengal.”

On 22 August Nehru wrote:

I have been quite certain right from the beginning that everything should be done to prevent Hindus in East Bengal from migrating to West Bengal. If that happened on a mass scale it would be a disaster of the first magnitude. Running away is never a solution to a problem. I think the Hindu leaders of East Bengal who have come away have done no service to their people. If, as you suggest, things have gone too far already, then naturally we shall all do what we can, but I shudder at the prospect and at the magnitude of the human misery that will come in its train. to the last I shall try to check migration even if there is war.”

On 1 April 1950, Dr, Shyama Prasad Mukherjee resigned from the Jawaharlal Nehru ministry as an angry protest against the Indian government's appeasement policy towards Pakistan. In a cabinet meeting earlier that afternoon, this is what Dr, Mukherjee said, as quoted in the book called Soundings In Modern South Asian History, edited by D.A. Low, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London, 1968:

“When Muslims in Kashmir were attacked, you sent Indian armed forces and spent crores of rupees. What do you care for us Bengali Hindus? What do you care for the criminal assaults on our women?” Suddenly Panditji stood up and began to advance towards Syama Prasad. That tiger of Bengal also raised his hand and stepped forward. For a moment it looked as if the Cabinet meeting would become a battle field. But I pacified Shyama Prasad. When things came to such a pass, Patel left the meeting. A couple of other ministers also left. I said to Panditji: "Half the Cabinet has gone away. I think the meeting should be adjourned". Panditji calmed down and the meeting was adjourned.

The immediate cause of Dr. Mookerjee's anger was the exodus of Hindu refugees from East Pakistan which had begun again in early 1950. According to the figures later given to Parliament by Jawaharlal Nehru, between 7 February and 8 April 1950, about 9 lakh Hindus crossed into India.

From the beginning of partition, some four million Hindus had migrated from East Pakistan, as described by Jawaharlal Nehru himself on the floor of Parliament on 7 August 1950.


The two prime ministers met in Delhi at the end of which they signed what has come to be known as the Nehru-Liaquat agreement. Syama Prasad Mookerjee saw the riots in East Pakistan as part of a deliberate and cold blooded plan to exterminate or expel the minorities from East Pakistan. It is this conviction which made Mookerjee suggest an exchange of populations. As we have seen, Nehru rejected this suggestion out of hand. As quoted in his Selected Speeches referred to earlier, Nehru went on to explain:

An exchange of population is something which we have opposed all along. It is something which I consider not only undesirable but also not feasible. It is a question of arithmetic, apart from anything else. If we wanted an exchange of population between East and West Bengal and if we did it with the complete cooperation of both the governments on expert level and with every facility given, it is calculated that it would take five and a half years and that, if no untoward event happened. Of course, many untoward events will happen in the meantime and, of course, there will be no such magnificent cooperation between the two governments either! All kinds of upheavals will take place during that period, so that one cannot think of this solution in terms of reality.”

“Then again, where do we draw the line? The present position is that, so far as the Hindu population of East Bengal is concerned, one might say, generally speaking, that the entire population is full of fear and apprehension about the future and, given the opportunity, would like to come away from East Bengal. That is only their present feeling. I do not know, if they will actually come, when an opportunity is given. Perhaps, later some people will stick to their lands and other things. That will depend on the developing situation and on whether they have security or not.”

To a Hindu, the arguments advanced by Jawaharlal Nehru, in or outside Parliament, were not convicting. They appeared contrived merely to escape having to take a firm stand against Pakistan.

A Prime Minister, strong enough to lead such a large country as India, should have said: "Janab Liaquat, either you stop sending out Hindus or we would send a commensurate number of Muslims across your borders. If you indulge in ethnic cleansing, we shall be left with no choice. In any case, it was your party called the Muslim League led by Qaid-e-Azam Jinnah which had repeatedly insisted that there should be an exchange of population. On the other hand, we were generous enough not to press for uprooting people who had lived where they did for generations. You have answered our generosities with treachery. Now face the consequences."

No such statement or voice was heard from Prime Minister Nehru. Even in 1950, it was obvious that he was no visionary. His colleagues of the stature of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and Dr. N.V. Gadgil had protested against Nehru's appeasement, and sure enough as times unfolded, Nehru was proved wrong, again and again. Is it therefore any surprise that any number of Indians are prepared to blame Nehru for having mismanaged the Kashmir issue with Pakistan? But very few realise that he was also the architect of a worse disease, namely, communalism which afflicted Indian polity in a number of ways with different depths.

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From October 1949 to December 1950, with unfailing regularity, Maulana Nehru kept on giving ever-varying and ever-variable figures relating to influx of Hindu Refugees from East Pakistan and West Bengal. Sometime in the middle of 1950, Maulana Nehru told the Indian Parliament that between 7 February 1950 and 8 April 1950, about 9 lakh Hindus crossed into India.




Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was the only Indian political leader in the India of 1950 to clearly see through the dastardly Islamic Game of Hindu Genocide which the Government of Pakistan under Muhhamed Ali Jinnah was letting loose against the Hindus of East Pakistan (East Bengal or today’s Bangladesh). Maulana Nehru had nothing but hatred and contempt for the pitiable and helpless Hindus of East Bengal. The only stupid advice he could give the Hindus of East Bengal at that time was to stay back in their traditional homes and lands in East Bengal and get slaughtered by murderous Muslims of East Bengal. Totally shaken up and traumatized by this disastrous policy of Muslim Appeasement, Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee felt morally and totally constrained to resign from the position of Cabinet Minister in the wholly pro-Islamic, Evangelical and anti-Hindu Government of Jawaharlal Nehru in April 1950.


On 21 October, 1951, after a long and detailed discussion with Sri Guruji Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, Leader of the RSS, Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee founded 'Bharatiya Jan Sangh' (Indian People's Union) at Delhi and became its first president. 

THE JAN SANGH SYMBOL

Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, with his legal background, also strongly advocated a Uniform Civil Code for both Hindus and Muslims. He wanted a ban on cow slaughter. He pointed out the paramount political necessity of ending the special status of Muslim majority Jammu and Kashmir in the larger interest of India's integrity and national unity. Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee defined the contours of the Hindutva agenda which later became the wider political expression of India's Hindu majority in the 1990s. Deen Dayal Upadyaya, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, L K Advani and several other latter-day BJP stalwarts were inspired by the personality and example of Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee.


In the 1952 general elections to the Parliament of India, Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee and the BJS won 3 seats. When he was proceeding to Kashmir in 1953 in order to go on a hunger strike on reaching there to protest against the law prohibiting any Indian citizen from settling in that State (which was in their own country) and the need to carry I D cards, he was arrested on 11 May, 1953 while crossing the Jammu & Kashmir-India border. Although the I D card rule was revoked on account of his efforts, he died as a political detenu on 23 May, 1953. Even before he had set out from Delhi, Sri Guruji Golwalkar had advised him not to go to Jammu & Kashmir and warned him about the possibility of his not returning back alive from Kashmir. Sri Guruji had also sent a letter to the same effect through a special messenger which failed to reach him on time. According to many well-informed people, he was politically assassinated with the full political blessings, knowledge, understanding and opaque involvement of Sheik Abdullah and Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru.

At a time when all the Congress leaders including Pundit Nehru found themselves in the mire of triple 'secular' synchronisation, conceptual confusion, political incompetence and human failure to deal with the Muslim problem in India, Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee spoke these prophetic words in his last speech in Parliament on 15 November, 1952:

'I remember I saw a number of Congress leaders and especially Gandhiji and some of us begged of him to appreciate the real point of view whether it will be possible for the minorities to live in Pakistan, in view of the circumstances under which that new country was taking its birth. AND WE SUGGESTED A PLANNED EXCHANGE OF POPULATION AND PROPERTY AT GOVERNMENTAL LEVEL AS PART OF THE PARTITION SCHEME. He was not willing to accept it because their view point was that what they were agreeing to was not a communal division of India, but a territorial division of India'.

Today we are having not only a communal division but also a territorial division of votebank politics in every State in India today. In 1947 we were dealing with only one unreasonable and irresponsible statesman like Jinnah. Today we are constrained to deal with hundreds of self-proclaiming Islamic Terrorist 'Jinnahs' not knowing what they want and not allowing anybody else also to understand what they want. If only our countrymen had listened to the advice of Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee at that time, there would have been no problem whatsoever between Hindus and Muslims either in Pakistan or in India after 1947.

To conclude this part of the article in the words my friend Sadhu Professor V.Rangarajan:

During the general elections in India in 1967, this sadhu happened to be the youngest candidate of Bharatiya Jan Sangh from Tiruchirappally-1 constituency to the Tamilnadu Legislative Assembly, and was opposed by the DMK and Congress. This sadhu was moving from slum to slum on a bicycle in front of which he had hung a portrait of Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee and hoisted the Jan Sangh flag in ochre colour with the symbol of diya (earthern lamp), while his opponents were moving in posh cars attached with loudspeakers and accompanied by party workers. The slum dwellers took pity on this young candidate, often offered a cup of tea or coffee and asked him very innocently who was the person on the portrait. They were given to understand that Jan Sangh was a Hindi Party and some Marwari Seths had promoted the candidature of this sadhu. The very purpose of this sadhu’s candidature was to introduce Jan Sangh and he had to give a lot of explanation to the people about the party and its founder.

In the last four decades, Bharatiya Jan Sangh grew in leaps and bounds and flowered into a new and powerful political party, Bharatiya Janata Party, which captured power in the Centre and had Sri Atal Behari Vajpayee as the Prime Minister. Still many people in the country, especially in the southern states, are yet to know about the founder of the Bharatiya Jan Sangh who fought for the integration of Kashmir with the mainland Bharat and mysteriously died in the Kashmiree Jail while fighting for the right of all Indians to settle in Kashmir.”

In the next part of my story I intend writing about the cold blooded murder of Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee in Kashmir on 23rd June 1953 jointly planned and executed by Maulana Nehru and according to some his step-brother Sheik Abdullah.

I will also be writing 4 more articles on the exodus of Hindus from east Pakistan and later Bangladesh to India between 1947 and 2006. 



Tatagatha Roy has written graphically about the untold sufferings undergone by the Hindu men women and children of East Pakistan (Bangladesh) during the last 64 years in his famous work titled A Suppressed Chapter in History---The Exodus in Hindus from East Pakistan and Bangladesh 1947-2006 by Tathagata Roy.